알로하보이의사이비세상

프랭클린 루스벨트는 대공황이 최악에 달했던 1933년에 32대 미국 대통령으로 취임하면서 "우리가 두려워해야 할 것은 두려움 그 자체일 뿐이다"라는 유명한 연설을 하였습니다. 그리고 여러가지 정책으로 미국 경제를 회복 시키기 위해서 노력하였고 이때 그가 했던 정기적인 라디오 방송은 국민에게 많은 희망과 용기를 주었다고 합니다. 

President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: 

This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.

This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.

Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.

Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.

Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.

We must act. We must act quickly.

  And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.

Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.

If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.

We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.

It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.

We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.

In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.

May He protect each and every one of us.

May He guide me in the days to come.

John F. Kennedy

Inaugural Address

delivered 20 January 1961

미국 최연소 대통령으로 당선되었던 존F.케네디의 취임연설문. 

나라가 국민에게 무엇을 해 줄 수 있는지를 묻기 전에

국민 자신이 나라를 위해 무엇을 할 것인가를 생각하라는 명언이 들어있는 연설문이다. 

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge -- and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotaate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."¹

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

오늘 우리는 한 정당의 승리가 아닌, 끝이면서도 시작을 상징하고, 부활이면서도 변화를 의미하는 자유의 축제를 보고 있습니다. 왜냐하면 제가 여러분과 전지전능한 신 앞에, 우리 조상들이 약 한세기하고도 75년 전에 규정한 엄숙한 서약을 똑같이 맹세했기 때문입니다.

지금 세계는 매우 다릅니다. 왜냐하면 인류는 그들의 유한한 손에 모든 형태의 인간 생명과 재산을 없애버릴 수 있는 힘을 가지고 있기 때문입니다. 인간의 권리는 국가의 관용이 아니라 신으로부터 왔다는, 우리 선조들이 목숨을 걸고 싸웠던 신념은, 아직도 전 세계에서 논란이 되고 있습니다.

오늘 우리는 우리가 첫 혁명의 후계자임을 결코 잊지 않을 것입니다. 지금 이 자리에서 우리의 친구와 적 모두에게 전합니다. 횃불은 미국의 새 세대에게 전해졌습니다. 그들은 이 세기에 태어났고, 전쟁으로 단련되었고, 힘들고 쓰라린 평화를 통해 훈련되었으며, 우리의 유산을 자랑스럽게 여기며, 이 나라에서 항상 보장되었고, 오늘날 국내외에서 보장하는 인권이 느리게라도 후퇴하는 것을 목격하거나 허락하지 않을 세대입니다.

모든 나라들은 알아야 합니다. 그들이 우리가 잘 되기를 빌든, 나쁘게 되기를 빌든 관계없이, 우리는 자유의 생존과 성공을 보장하기 위해서 어떠한 대가도 치를 것이고, 어떠한 짐도 감당할 것이며, 어떠한 고난도 감수하며, 어떠한 적과도 맞설 것입니다.

이것과 그 이상을 우리는 맹세합니다.

우리와 문화적이고 정신적인 근원을 공유하는 오랜 동맹국들에게, 우리는 믿음직스런 친구로서의 충성을 맹세합니다. 뭉쳐서 협력하면, 모험에서 우리가 하지 못할 것은 거의 없습니다. 분열되면 우리가 할 수 있는 것은 매우 적습니다. 어떻게 감히 서로 다투고 분열된 상태에서 강력한 도전에 맞설 수 있겠습니까.

자유를 얻은 신생 국가들에게, 우리는 다음과 같이 맹세합니다. 아직 없어지지 않은 식민 통치의 형태가 단순히 더 강력한 철권 통치로 바뀌지는 않을 것입니다. 그들이 항상 우리들의 입장을 지지해주기를 바라지 않습니다. 하지만 그들이 항상 강하게 그들의 자유를 지탱하기를 바랍니다. 그리고 과거에 바보같이 호랑이 등에 올라타는 방법으로 권력을 추구했던 자들은 호랑이에게 먹히는 것으로 끝났다는 점을 기억해 주길 바랍니다.

오두막과 촌락에 살며, 대규모 빈곤의 굴레에서 벗어나기 위해 노력하는 지구의 절반을 차지하는 사람들에게, 우리는 어떠한 기간이 걸리더라도 그들이 자립할 수 있도록 최선의 노력을 다해 도울 것을 맹세합니다. 공산주의자들이 도울까봐서가 아니며, 그들의 표가 필요해서가 아니며, 그것이 옳기 때문입니다. 만약 자유로운 사회가 가난한 다수를 도울 수 없다면, 그 사회는 부유한 소수를 지킬 수 없습니다.

우리 국경 남쪽에 있는 자매 국가들에게, 우리는 특별한 맹세를 합니다. 진보를 향한 동맹을 통해 우리의 말을 선량한 행동으로 실천할 것입니다. 빈곤의 사슬을 벗어내려 하는 자유 시민과 정부를 도울 것입니다. 하지만 이 평화롭고 희망에 가득찬 변혁은 결코 적대적인 세력의 먹이가 되어서는 안됩니다. 우리의 모든 이웃에게, 그들과 함께 아메리카 대륙 어디에서든 일어나는 침략과 파괴에 대항할 것임을 알립니다. 전 세계 다른 나라들에게, 이 대륙은 계속해서 이 대륙의 주인으로 남아 있을 것 임을 알립니다.

전 세계 주권 국가들의 연합이며, 전쟁의 수단이 평화의 수단을 한참 앞질러버린 이 시대에 우리의 마지막 최고 희망인, 국제 연합에, 우리는 지원하겠다는 맹세를 다시 한번 강조합니다. 국제 연합이 단순히 독설을 위한 장이 되는 것을 막고, 신생 약소국들을 위한 방패 역할을 강화하기 위해서이며, 그 권한이 미치는 지역을 넓히기 위해서입니다.

마지막으로, 우리와 적대하려는 나라들에게, 우리는 맹세가 아닌 요청을 합니다. 과학 기술에 의해 고삐가 풀린, 어두운 파괴의 힘이, 고의적이든 실수든 모든 인류 공동체를 삼켜 버리기 전에, 두 진영이 평화를 위한 새로운 탐구를 시작합시다.

약점을 내보여 그들을 유혹하고픈 생각은 결코 없습니다. 오직 우리의 군사력이 의심할 여지 없이 충분해야만, 우리는 그것이 사용되는 일이 없을 것이라고 확신할 수 있습니다.

하지만 위대하고 강력한 두 진영의 국가들 모두 현재의 상황에 안심하지 못하고 있습니다. 두 진영은 과중한 군비 부담으로 고통받고 있고, 치명적인 핵 무기의 점진적인 확산을 심각히 걱정하고 있으며, 그러면서도 인류 최후의 전쟁이 일어나는 것을 막고 있는 불확실한 공포의 균형을 바꾸기 위해 경쟁하고 있습니다.

그러므로 다시 시작합시다. 정중함은 나약함의 표시가 아니며, 진실함을 보이는데는 증거가 필요하다는 것을 두 진영은 기억합시다. 우리는 두려움 때문에 협상하지는 않을 것입니다. 하지만 협상을 두려워하지도 맙시다.

두 진영으로 하여금, 두 진영을 분열시키는 문제로 논쟁하기 보다는 서로를 단결시킬 수 있는 문제들을 찾도록 합시다.

두 진영으로 하여금, 처음으로 진지하고 구체적인 군비 조사 및 통제 방안을 만들어 보도록 합시다. 그리고 다른 나라들을 파괴할 수 있는 절대적인 힘을 모든 국가들의 절대적인 통제 밑에 놓도록 합시다.

두 진영으로 하여금, 과학의 공포가 아닌 경이를 찾도록 합시다. 함께 별들을 탐험하고, 사막을 정복하며, 질병을 박멸하고, 깊은 대양에 손을 대며, 예술과 상업을 장려하도록 합시다.

두 진영으로 하여금, 함께 지구 구석구석에서 들려오는 이시야의 명령에 귀를 기울이도록 합시다. “멍에의 줄을 끌러 주고, 압제당하는 자를 자유케 하라.”

그리고 협력의 교두보가 불신의 정글을 밀어내면, 두 진영으로 하여금 새로운 과업을 이룩하도록 합시다. 새로운 힘의 균형이 아닌, 강대국은 정의롭고 약소국은 안전을 보장받으며, 평화가 지켜지는 새로운 질서의 세계를 만듭시다.

이 모든 것은 취임 후 100일 내에 이루어지지 않을 수 있습니다. 1000일이 지나도, 이 행정부가 끝나도, 어쩌면 지구에서의 우리의 삶이 끝날 때까지도 이루어지지 않을 수 있습니다. 하지만 시작합시다.

친애하는 국민 여러분, 저보다는 여러분의 손에 우리들 진로의 성공과 실패가 달려 있습니다. 이 나라가 건국된 이래, 각 세대의 미국인들은 그들의 애국심을 증명하도록 조국의 부름을 받았습니다. 국가의 부름에 응한 젊은 미국인들의 무덤이 전 세계를 뒤덮고 있습니다.

이제 나팔소리가 다시 우리들을 부릅니다. 무기가 필요하지만 무기를 들라는 부름이 아니고, 전투 준비를 갖추고 있지만 싸우라는 부름이 아닙니다. “소망 중에 기뻐하며, 환난 중에 견디며”, 독재, 빈곤, 질병, 전쟁 그 자체라는, 인류 공동의 적에 맞선, 해가 지나도 이어질 긴 투쟁의 짐을 지라는 부름인 것입니다.

우리가 이러한 적들에 맞서, 남과 북, 동과 서를 아우르는 웅대하고 전지구적인 동맹을 조직하여, 인류에게 좀 더 유익한 삶을 보장해줄 수 있겠습니까? 여러분은 이 역사적인 노력에 동참하시겠습니까?

긴 인류의 역사에서, 오직 소수의 세대만이 자유가 가장 큰 위험에 처했을 때, 그것을 지키라는 임무를 부여 받았습니다. 저는 결코 이 책임으로부터 위축되지 않겠습니다. 저는 기꺼이 받아들입니다. 저는 우리들 중 어느 누구도, 다른 사람들, 다른 세대와 이 역할을 바꿀 것이라고 믿지 않습니다. 열정, 신뢰, 헌신, 우리가 이 노력에 가져올 모든 것들이 우리나라와 조국에 봉사하는 모든 이를 비출 것입니다. 그리고 그 불길로부터 나온 불빛은 진실로 세상을 밝힐 것입니다.

그래서, 존경하는 국민 여러분! 국가가 여러분에게 무엇을 해 줄 것인가 묻지 말고, 여러분이 국가를 위해 무엇을 할 수 있는가를 물어 보십시오.

존경하는 세계 시민 여러분, 미국이 여러분에게 무엇을 해 줄 것인가 묻지 말고, 인간의 자유를 위해 무엇을 함께 할 수 있는가를 물어 보십시오.

마지막으로, 여러분이 미국 국민이든 세계 시민이든, 제가 이 자리에서 여러분에게 요구했던 똑같은 수준의 높은 힘과 희생을 저에게 요구하십시오. 선한 양심을 우리의 하나뿐이고 확실한 보상으로 삼고, 역사를 우리 행동의 최종 심판자로 하여, 하느님의 축복과 도움을 구하고, 하지만 이 지구에서 그 분의 작품이 진실로 우리의 것이 될 것이라는 것을 알면서, 우리가 사랑하는 이 땅을 이끌고 전진합시다.